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Can we have a sense of historical perspective about ‘college campus free speech’ crises/issues?

There is a lot of talk and energy devoted to, much hay made about, some sort of new or particularly pressing problem of ‘the left’ currently shutting down free speech on college campuses. For example, here is Harris talking with Nicholas Christakis in episode 100 of Making Sense:
I just want to talk a little bit about your experience at Yale, and then move on generically to the problem on college campuses in general, as described by people like Jonathan Haidt and others who are focusing on the way in which there's an authoritarianism emerging on the Left, really exclusively, that is preventing free speech.
I'm just going to interrupt you by reminding you of something you wrote, which appeared in the New York Times, which I think is the only thing you wrote in the aftermath of what happened at Yale addressing the events. You wrote, quoting you: "The faculty must cut at the root of a set of ideas that are wholly illiberal. Disagreement is not oppression. Argument is not assault. Words – even provocative or repugnant ones – are not violence. The answer to speech we do not like is more speech."
I couldn't agree more with that sentiment. It's amazing to me that this even needs to be said, and said as frequently as we now have to say it. Again, I do want to come back to specifically what happened at Yale because many people just might not be aware of it or might have forgotten the details, but how do you think it is that the Left, primarily, has lost sight of this principle that the antidote to bad ideas is good ideas, and the criticism of bad ideas?
When Christakis says ‘I think the Right and the Left take turns in this regard. I mean, let's not forget the history of McCarthyism on campus’, Harris replies: ‘Yeah, but we expect the Right to get this wrong, at the extreme.’
While they don’t really identify how widespread a problem this currently is, Christakis, while acknowledging there’s mixed or unclear data on this, does ‘believe very strongly that something is different on campuses’, though ‘it's hard to know for sure.’
Harris then goes on to say:
Let's just talk about the phenomenon of moral panic. We'll remain somewhat agnostic as to how big a problem this is on college campuses nationwide, but where it's a problem, it does strike me that it has the character of what I'm calling a moral panic. There have been other moral panics in our history. Relatively recent ones, too. You and I are both old enough to remember the childhood sexual abuse panic in preschools.
So the general picture being presented is that lefty students are restricting free speech on college campuses, this seems to be something different going on at this current moment in time, and it’s as if the left-wing students are being gripped by a ‘moral panic’. (Also we don’t need to criticize the political right because we expect them to ‘get this wrong’ – how useful for the right!)
I worry that conversations and conjecture of this sort are suffering from a historical illiteracy, which gives these discussions a distorted framing by omission. Namely, the idea that free speech is being imperilled on college campuses, generally by left-leaning figures or movements, is nothing new. In fact, this is a very very old narrative, one that has been playing out repeatedly over roughly the last 50 years at least. Let’s take a look at some evidence. Here are a bunch of articles on campus free speech from the New York Times archives, from 1975 onwards:
The universities, which in theory are supposed to welcome the discussion of any and all ideas, have lately been the scene of much resistance to hated thoughts. A few years ago a Harvard audience shouted down the South Vietnamese Ambassador. At the University of Chicago last year, political scientist Edward C. Banfield was unable to express his conservative views on cities, society and government. But the most controversial figure has been William Shockley, the physicist who argues that blacks are genetically inferior. In 1974 he ran into trouble trying to speak at Yale, Harvard and New York University. The one place he was actually heard was N.Y.U. Some invitations were withdrawn; and when he did appear at Yale last April, he was unable to make himself heard above the protests.
The [Yale] committee surveyed incidents at Yale over the last few years. In 1963, Governor Wallace of Alabama was invited by the Political Union. Because of antagonistic campus feelings about Governor Wallace's racial views, Kingman Brewster Jr., then Yale's provost, asked the Union to withdraw the invitation and it did. In 1972 General William Westmoreland appeared for a speech but cancelled it on advice of the police that they could not control a hostile crowd. Last year the Union invited Mr. Shockley but cancelled the invitation when student groups protested. Then another organization invited him; Kingman Brewster, now president of the university, charged the group with “the use of free speech as a game” and “lack of sensitivity to others,” and that invitation was also withdrawn. Finally a third group invited Mr. Shockley. He appeared and was drowned out. Twelve students were suspended for participation in that affair but allowed to re‐enter immediately if they promised to abide by the rules in future. Few faculty members spoke out against suppression of the speech, and the Yale Daily News criticized the administration for “sanctioning” the talk.
The Woodward report was critical of President Brewster and Yale generally for that record. It found a “deterioration in the commitment to free speech” as shown by “instances of faltering, uncertainty and failure in the defense of principle.” In the community, it said, there were signs of “a willingness to compromise standards, to give priority to peace and order and amicable relations over the principle of free speech.”
On Feb. 15, a standing-room-only audience of students and the public came to hear the United Nations delegate, Jeane J. Kirkpatrick, deliver the first of the annual Jefferson memorial lectures on the University of California's Berkeley campus. Before they left, they watched the First Amendment take a bad beating.
Mrs. Kirkpatrick struggled but failed to be heard over the din of about two dozen protestors representing the Students Against Intervention in El Salvador, some in black capes and white death masks, who began shouting: ''Genocide!'' ''Imperialism!'' ''40,000 dead!''
After almost a half hour of this, Mrs. Kirkpatrick was escorted off the stage by security officers and campus officials to obscene cries and shouts of and ''Klaus Barbie!'' On the campus that gave birth to the Free Speech Movement 19 years ago, she was shouted down by demonstrators in behalf of ''progressive people everywhere'' who oppose human rights violators in El Salvador.
The ambassador returned but during the question period there was further disruption. Informed by campus security that there would likely be more trouble the next day, she canceled the second lecture.
There were no arrests. A week later, the student senate voted down a proposed apology to Mrs. Kirkpatrick, 16 to 12. On March 2, at the University of Minnesota, a public lecture by Mrs. Kirkpatrick was also interrupted by catcalls and insults. At one point, two large Nazi flags bearing swastikas were hung down from the balcony.
A few weeks earlier, she had withdrawn as commencement speaker at Smith College after being told that demonstrations were expected and that protection would not be adequate.
Let there be no misunderstanding about who was responsible for the setback to free speech at Berkeley. Those who violated Mrs. Kirkpatrick's right to express her views belonged to those of the political wreckage on the left who believe that there are times when issues of greater urgency and higher purpose must override concerns about civil liberties. As one of the leaders of the disruption said, they had a ''moral obligation to let people know she's lying.'' It was more important to deal with ''this criminal'' high on their list of political enemies than to get hung up on the First Amendment.
An ''enemies list,'' of course, is not the exclusive possession of the political left. Senator Joseph R. McCarthy carried around in a briefcase his own list of political enemies whom he sought to silence because they did not share his various orthodoxies. But for many years, student radicals, sometimes with the support of political allies on the faculty, have refused to allow people of whom they disapprove to speak on campuses across the country. They have smeared, threatened and intimidated those who, as ''enemies,'' dared to have different thoughts. What happened to Mrs. Kirkpatrick at Berkeley is only another instance of left-wing McCarthyism at work.
At Yale and many other campuses, protests against university involvement with American concerns doing business in South Africa have revived questions about the limits of dissent.
A conservative watchdog group, Accuracy in Academe, has begun to enlist students to monitor professors with whom it disagrees, while some conservatives, including Federal Secretary of Education William J. Bennett, assert that many American campuses are virtually closed to speakers with unpopular views, including high officials of the Administration.
Declaring that ''intellectual freedom is hard pressed in the United States,'' Yale's 20th president said that national leaders of both parties were too quick to jeopardize intellectual freedom in the name of national security, while ''offending books are ransacked'' from school libraries and controversial speakers ''intimidated into silence by forces both inside and outside the university.''
According to Mr. Schmidt, the major problems of intellectual freedom today involve not physical intimidation but verbal harassment of certain groups, such as homosexuals, feminists or minorities.
''There's a growing view that certain racial slurs or sexist statements are punishable,'' Mr. Schmidt said. ''People are saying that victimized groups require protection against such statements. You have a new egalitarian threat against freedom of expression.''
Other educational leaders are beginning to talk in similar fashion. The chancellor of the University of Massachusetts at Amherst, Joseph D. Duffey, called Mr. Schmidt's remarks ''courageous'' and noted that last year a Commission on Civility on his campus took up the question of how a speaker with views widely regarded as distasteful might be barred from the campus. ''They tried to find a principle for doing so and could not come up with a workable one,'' he said.
The chancellor suggested that the issue is a reflection of the emergence of ''single interest groups'' within the political process and on college campuses.
''You have people concentrating on their own particular concerns and articulating their own sense of oppression,'' he said. ''They are not particularly interested in the larger problem of free speech.''
Over the last year or so freedom of speech has surfaced as an issue in a variety of forms, beginning with the seemingly clear-cut issue of the right of controversial speakers to appear on college campuses.
In April, two representatives of the rebel movement that opposes the Government of Nicaragua were prevented from speaking at Harvard University by protesters who chanted insults inside Boylston Auditorium, drowning out the speakers' words. In another incident, last year, about 100 students formed a blockade outside a building at Harvard in which a South African diplomat was meeting with an undergraduate club. After an hour and a half, the police moved the protesters and escorted the diplomat to his car.
In such instances, university officials have been quick to condemn a blatant restraint on freedom of expression. Referring to the incident involving the diplomat, Daniel Steiner, Harvard's general counsel, said, ''Jeers and chants are legitimate, but it is inconsistent with the principles of this university and with the principles of this country to imprison this man.''
In a commencement address yesterday that also served as his farewell to the City University of New York Graduate School, the historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. condemned campus speech codes and "the agitation for censorship" in the name of multiculturalism.
"It is ironic that the celebration of diversity concludes in a demand for conformity," he told a capacity audience at Town Hall in midtown Manhattan, where 332 students received doctoral or master's degrees at the Graduate School's 30th annual commencement.
"The ideologues of multiculturalism would reject the historic American purposes of assimilation and integration," he said in the speech. "They would have our educational system reinforce, promote and perpetuate separate ethnic communities and do so at the expense of the idea of a common culture and a common national identity."
He also said that the First Amendment right to free speech was under assault. "In a bizarre switch of roles, attacks on the First Amendment and the demand to suppress the thought we hate come these days from the left," he said, alluding to Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes's decision that a free society must tolerate "freedom for the thought we hate."
"Even more ironically," he continued, "that demand is centered in our universities -- exactly the place above all others where unlimited freedom of expression had previously been deemed sacred."
Calling political correctness "an ill-judged, wrong-headed and dangerous response" to social inequities and injustices, Professor Schlesinger said that the only sound way to give minorities full membership in American society was to provide better jobs, schools, health care, housing and equal opportunity.
So we can see from all of the above that, for decades now, there have been prominent news stories about speakers on college campuses being shouted down, disinvited, called a Nazi, blockaded by large crowds etc. by left-wing students and that this is presented as an alarming problem or a serious threat to freedom of speech. The idea that this is some new emergence over the last 5 years or so is historically illiterate – people have been talking about this since at least 1975, and in doing so refer to events going back to 1963.
What’s funny is that a lot of the incidents or reports above refer to Yale University; Christakis too is based at Yale, and it’s there that he was part of an incident that they talk about on the podcast episode. Yet there’s no discussion of the historical lineage of incidents regarding free speech and left-wing student behavior on campuses, even though Yale itself has been the subject of a lot of media reporting on this over the decades.
Something I also find striking about reading these reports is how similar to the Charles Murray/Middlebury incident some of them read to me, and how events or phenomena which Harris presents as new on the scene are actually nothing of the sort. Indeed reading a Newsweek article from 1990 about political correctness on college campuses was much like listening to Harris speak around the time of his episode with Charles Murray (bolding mine):
But where the PC reigns, one defies it at one's peril. That was the experience of Prof. Vincent Sarich of the University of California, Berkeley, when he wrote in the alumni magazine that the university's affirmative-action program discriminated against white and Asian applicants. Seventy-five students marched into his anthropology class last month and drowned out his lecture with chants of "bullshit." His department began an investigation of his views and chancellor Chang-Lin Tien invited complaints from students about his lectures. Sarich was left in doubt whether he would be allowed to teach the introductory anthropology course he has taught off and on for 23 years.
Of course, Sarich was not entirely an innocent who blundered into the minefield of campus politics. He holds scientifically controversial views about the relationship of brain size to intelligence, which tend toward the politically unthinkable conclusion that some races could have a genetic edge in intellect. As an anthropologist, Sarich knows exactly what happened to him: he stumbled on a taboo. "There are subjects you don't even talk or think about," Sarich says; among them, "race, gender [and] homosexuality."
What I’d like to suggest is that, whatever your personal views on free speech on college campuses, we all need to at least start from a place of historical awareness and agreed-upon basic facts; these arguments or narratives are nothing new, and have in fact occupied a prominent place in public discourse since at least the 1970s as it relates to left-leaning students protesting speakers. When figures like Harris present this as though it is a new development tied to ‘wokeness’ or whatever the latest term of abuse is, and don’t present any historical context in the conversation, it leaves their audience misinformed, and this is never a good foundation from which to then speak or take action.
Lastly, can I ask that if anyone here has any additional examples or useful resources that relate to this topic, please do share them here as I’d really like to read them, and hopefully we can all become better informed. As a final contribution, I’d like to link to this article disputing the notion that there is a generalized free speech crisis on college campuses, which is a response to Sean Stevens and Jonathan Haidt at the Heterodox Academy, which I think makes for some interesting and useful reading on the topic.
submitted by RalphOnTheCorner to samharris

Secrets By The Thousands

Harper's Magazine

October, 1946 Page 329

C. Lester Walker
Someone wrote to Wright Field recently, saying he understood this country had got together quite a collection of enemy war secrets, that many were now on public sale, and could he, please, be sent everything on German jet engines. The Air Documents Division of the Army Air Forces answered.:
Sorry – but that would be fifty tons.
Moreover, that fifty tons was just a small portion of what is today undoubtedly the biggest collection of captured enemy war secrets ever assembled. If you always thought of war secrets – as who hasn't? – as coming in sixes and sevens, as a few items of information readily handed on to the properly interested authorities, it may interest you to learn that the war secrets in this collection run into the thousands, that the mass of documents is mountainous, and that there was never before been anything quite comparable to it.
The collection is today chiefly in three places: Wright Field (Ohio), the Library of Congress, and the Department of Commerce. Wright Field is working from a documents "mother lode" of fifteen hundred tons. In Washington, the Office of Technical Services (which has absorbed the Office of the Publication Board, the government agency originally set up to handle the collection) reports that tens of thousands of tons of material are involved. It is estimated that over a million separate items must be handled, and that they, very likely, practically all the scientific, industrial and military secrets of Nazi Germany.
One Washington official has called it "the greatest single source of this type of material in the world, the first orderly exploitation of an entire country's brain-power."
How the collection came to be goes back, for beginnings, to one day in 1944 when the Allied Combined Chiefs of Staff set in motion a colossal search for war secrets in occupied German territory. They created a group of military-civilian teams, termed the Joint Intelligence Objectives Committee, which was to follow the invading armies into Germany and uncover all her military, scientific, and industrial secrets for early use against Japan. These teams worked against tine to get the most vital information be: ore it was. destroyed, and in getting it performed prodigies of ingenuity and tenacity.
At an optical company at Wetzlav, near Frankfurt, for example, the American colonel investigating felt positive that the high executives were holding out on him. But nothing would shake their story: they had given him everything. He returned next day with a legal document which he asked them all to sign. It declared they had turned over "all scientific and trade data; and if not, would accept the consequences." Two days later they glumly signed the document, then led he colonel to a cache in a. warehouse will. From a safe tumbled out the secret file on optical instruments, microscopy, aiming devices.
One two-man search team found itself completely stymied. Records that they had-to find had completely disappeared. A rumor indicated they might have been hidden in a mountain. The two scoured 1 the region in a jeep. Nothing. But keeping at it, they stumbled one day onto a small woods road whose entrance was posted:
Achtung! Minen! Gingerly, slowly, they inched their jeep in. Nothing happened. But a concrete dugout sunk in the hill revealed another sign: "Opening Will Cause Explosion."
"We tossed a coin," one member of this search team said later, "and the loser hitched the jeep towrope to the dugout door, held his breath! and stepped on the gas."
There was no explosion. The door-ripped from its hinges. The sought-for secret files were inside.
The German Patent Office put some of its most secret patents down a sixteen-hundred-foot mine. shaft at Heringen, then piled liquid oxygen, in cylinders, on top of them. When the American Joint Intelligence Objectives team found them, it was doubtful that they could be saved. They were legible, but in such bad shape that a trip to the surface would make them disintegrate. Photo equipment and a crew were therefore lowered into the shaft and a complete microfilm record made of the patents there.
Perhaps one of the most exciting searches was also the grimmest. This was the hunt for hidden documents which might reveal that Nazi scientists had frozen human beings to death and then tried to bring them back to life again. Interviewing four Nazi doctors one day in June 1945, at a laboratory of the Institut für Luftfahrtmedizin, at Gut Hirschau, Bavaria, an American medical corps major, Leo Alexander, was struck with the dreadful conviction, despite repeated denials, that this had occurred.
His suspicion were aroused by three things. All the small animal laboratory equipment was carefully preached; all large-animal equipment destroyed. One of the doctors wanted to dissolve his research institute and dismiss his staff.
And none of the scientists could find any data on human beings at all, not even on those rescued from North Sea waters and saved by the new revival techniques. Did this mean that everything of the sort was hidden away with other data which, the doctors didn't want to show?
Wishing to leave the four Germans in a frame of mind not to destroy their records, the American concealed his suspicions, and, for the time being, transferred his search elsewhere.
Chance suddenly played into his hands. The Allied radio one night broadcast a grim tale of the Dachau concentration camp. Researches on death, and treatment of shock, from exposure to cold had been performed on prisoners. The broadcast named the leading experimenter, one Dr. Rascher, and called him a member of the medical staff of the SS.
For Alexander this was a lead. He happened just to have learned that the American Seventh Army had recently captured a vast mass of especially secret SS records. He therefore headed for the Seventh Army. Documents Center to see what was there.
There was more than he anticipated. Even to the complete and final report – Himmler's personal copy, with his green-penciled annotations, all over it – with the names of Rascher and all others involved, and containing all the damning details of the almost unbelievable experiments.
Victims had been immersed naked in ice water until they lost consciousness. All the time elaborate testings were constantly made: rectal, skin, and interior-of-the-stomach temperatures; pulse, blood sugar, blood chlorides, blood count and sedimentation; urine tests; spinal fluid. Appendix 7, Figure 5, showed that seven subjects were chilled to death beyond revival in from fifty-three to one hundred and six minutes.
"This table," Alexander commented in his own report, "is certainly the most laconic confession of seven murders in existence."
It had been with the rest of the documents – in Himmler's private cave in mountain at Hallein. Even though the aide of the mountain had been dynamited down over the cave mouth, the American searchers had found it.
The earliest Joint Intelligence Objectives search teams were followed by others, which were to dig out industrial and scientific secrets in particular. The Technical Industrial Intelligence Committee was one group of these, composed! of three hundred and eighty civilians representing seventeen American industries. Later came the teams of the Office of the Publication Board itself and many mow groups direct from private industry. Of the latter – called, in Germany, Field Intelligence Agencies Technical (FIAT) – there have been over five hundred; of one to ten members each, operating by invitation and under the aegis of the OPB.
Today the search still goes on. The Office of Technical Services has a European staff of four to five hundred. At Hoechst, it has one hundred abstractors who struggle feverishly to keep ahead of the forty OTS document-recording cameras which route to them each month over one hundred thousand feet of microfilm.
What did we find? You'd like some outstanding examples from the war secrets collection?
The head of the communications unit of Technical Industrial Intelligence Branch opened his desk drawer and took out the tiniest vacuum tube I had ever seen. It was about half thumb-size.
Notice it is heavy porcelain – not glass – and thus virtually indestructible. It is a thousand watt – one-tenth the size of similar American tube. Today our manufactured know the secret of making it. . . . And here's something. ...
He pulled some brown, papery-looking ribbon off a spool. It was a quarter-inch wide, with a dull and a shiny side.
"That's Magnetophone tape," he said. "It's plastic, metallized on one side with iron oxide. In Germany that supplanted phonograph recordings. A day's Radio program can be magnetized on one reel. You can demagnetize it, wipe it off and put a new program on at any time. No needle; so absolutely no noise or record wear. An hour-long reel costs fifty cents." He showed me then what had been two of the most closely-guarded, technical secrets of the war: the infra-red device which the Germans invented for seeing at night, and the remarkable diminutive generator which operated it. German cars could drive at any, speed in a total blackout, seeing objects clear as day two hundred meters ahead. Tanks with this device could spot; targets two miles away. As a sniper scope it enabled German riflemen . to pick off a man in total blackness.
There was a sighting tube, and a selenium screen out front. The screen caught the incoming infra-red light, which drove electrons .from the selenium along the tube to another screen which was electrically charged and fluorescent. A visible image appeared on this screen. Its clearness and its accuracy for aiming purposes were phenomenal. Inside the tube, distortion of the stream of electrons by the earth's magnetism was even allowed for!
The diminutive generator – five inches across – stepped up current from an ordinary flashlight battery to 15,000 volts. It had a walnut-sized motor which spun a rotor at 10,000 rpm – so fast that originally it had destroyed all lubricants with the great amount of ozone it produced. The Germans had developed a new grease: chlorinated paraffin oil. The generator then ran 3,000 hours!
A canvas bag on the sniper's back housed the device. His rifle had two triggers. He pressed one for a few seconds to operate the generator and the scope.. Then the other to kill his man in the dark. "That captured secret," my guide declared, "we first used at Okinawa – to the bewilderment of the Japs."
We got, in addition, among these prize secrets, the technique and the machine for making the world's most remarkable electric condenser. Millions of condensers are essential to the radio and radar industry. Our condensers were always made of metal foil. This one is made of .paper, coated with 1/250,000 of an inch of vaporized zinc. Forty per cent smaller, twenty per cent cheaper than our condensers, it is also self-healing. That is, if a breakdown occurs (like a fuse blowing out), the zinc film evaporates, the paper immediately insulates, and the condenser is right again. It keeps on working through multiple breakdowns – at fifty per cent higher voltage than our condensers! To most American radio experts this is magic, double-distilled.
Mica was another thing. None is mined in Germany, so during the war our Signal Corps was mystified. Where was Germany getting it?
One, day certain piece of mica was handed to one of our experts in the U.S. Bureau of Mines for analysis and opinion. "Natural mica," he reported, "and no impurities."
But the mica was synthetic. the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute for Silicate Research had discovered how to make it and – something which had always eluded scientists – in large sheets.
We know now, thanks to FIAT teams, that ingredients of natural mica were melted in crucibles of carbon capable of taking 2,350 degrees of heat, and then – this was the real secret – cooled in a special way. Complete absence of vibration was the first essential. Then two forces directly perpendicular to each other were applied. One, vertically, was a controlled gradient of temperature in the cooling. At right angles to this, horizontally, was introduced a magnetic field. This forced the formation of the crystals in large laminated sheets on that plane.
"You see this . . ." the head of Communications Unit, TIIB, said to me. It was metal, and looked like a complicated doll's house with the roof off. "It is the chassis or frame, for a radio. To make the same thing, Americans would machine cut, hollow, shape, fit – a dozen different processes. This is done on a press in one operation. It is called the 'cold extrusion' process. We do it with some soft, splattery metals. But by this process the Germans do it with cold steel!
Thousands of parts now made as castings or drop forgings or from malleable iron can now be made this way. The production speed increase is a little matter of one thousand per cent."
This one war secret alone, many American steel men believe, will revolutionize dozens of our metal fabrication industries.
In textiles the war secrets collection has produced so many revelations, that American textile men are a little dizzy. There is a German rayon-weaving machine, discovered a year ago by the American 'Knitting Machine' Team, which increases production in relation to floor space by one hundred and fifty percent. Their "Links-Links" loom produces a ladderless, runproof hosiery. New German needle-making machinery, it is thought, will revolutionize that business in both the United Kingdom and the United States. There is a German method for pulling the wool from sheepskins without injury to hide or fiber, by use of an enzyme. Formerly the "puller" – a trade secret – was made from animal pancreas from American packing houses. During the war the Nazis made it from a mold called aspergil paraciticus, which they seeded in bran. It results not only in better wool, but in ten per cent greater yield.
Another discovery was a way to put a crimp in viscose rayon fibers which gives them the appearance, warmth, wear resistance, and reaction-to-dyes of wool. The secret here, our investigators found, was the addition to the cellulose of twenty-five per cent fish protein.
But of all the industrial secrets, perhaps, the biggest windfall came from the laboratories and plants of the great German cartel, I. G. Farbenindustrie. Never before, it is claimed, was there such a store-house of secret information. It covers liquid and solid fuels, metallurgy, synthetic rubber, textiles, chemicals, plastics. drugs, dyes. One American dye authority declares:
It includes the production know-how and the secret formulas for over fifty thousand dyes. Many of them are faster and better than ours. Many are colors we were never able to make. The American dye industry will be advanced at least ten years.
In matters of food, medicine, and branches of the military art the finds of the search teams were no less impressive. And in aeronautics and guided missiles they proved to be downright alarming. One of the food secrets the Nazis had discovered was a way to sterilize fruit juices without heat. The juice was filtered, then cooled, then carbonated and stored under eight atmospheres of carbon-dioxide pressure. Later the carbon-dioxide was removed, the juice passed through another filter – which, this time, germ-proofed it – and then was bottled. Some thing, perhaps, for American canners to think about.
Milk pasteurization by ultra-violet light has always failed in other countries, but the Germans had found how to do it by using light tubes of great length, and simultaneously how to enrich the milk with vitamin D.
At a plant in Kiel, British searchers of the Joint Intelligence Objectives Committee found that cheese was being made – "good quality Hollander and Tilitser" – by a new method at unheard-of speed. "Eighty minutes from the renneting to the hooping of the curd," report the investigators. The cheese industry around the world had never been able to equal that.
Butter (in a creamery near Hamburg) was being produced by something long wished for by American butter makers: a continuous butter making machine. An invention of dairy equipment manufacturers in Stuttgart, it took up less space than American churns and turned out fifteen hundred pounds an hour. The machine was promptly shipped to this country to be tested by the American Butter Institute.
Among other food innovations was a German way of making yeast in almost limitless quantities. The waste sulfite liquor from the beechwood used to manufacture cellulose was treated with an organism known to bacteriologists as candida arborea at temperatures higher than ever used in yeast manufacture before. The finished product served as both animal and human food. Its caloric value is four times that of lean meat, and it contains twice as much protein.
The Germans also had developed new methods of preserving food by plastics and new, advanced refrigeration techniques. Refrigeration and air-conditioning on German U-boats had become so efficient that the submarines could travel from Germany to the Pacific, operate there for two months, and then return to Germany without having to take on fresh water for the crew. A secret plastics mixture (among its ingredients were polyvinyl acetate, chalk, and talc) was used to coat bread and cheese A loaf fresh from the oven was dipped, dried, redipped, then heated half an hour at 285 degrees. It would be unspoiled and good to eat eight months later.
"As for medical secrets in this collection," one Army-surgeon has remarked, "some of them will save American medicine years of research; some of them are revolutionary – like, for instance, the German technique for treatment after prolonged and usually fatal exposure to cold." This discovery – revealed to us by Major Alexander's search already mentioned – reversed everything medical science thought about the subject. In every one of the dread experiments the subjects were most successfully revived, both temporarily and permanently, by immediate immersion in hot water. In two cases of complete standstill of heart and cessation of respiration, a hot bath at 122 degrees brought both subjects back to life. Before our war with Japan ended, this method was adopted as the treatment for use by all American Air-Sea Rescue Services, and it is generally accepted by medicine today.
German medical researchers had discovered a way to produce synthetic blood plasma. Called capain, it was made on a commercial scale and equaled natural plasma, in results. Another discovery was periston, a substitute for the blood liquid. An oxidation production of adrenalin (adrenichrome) was produced in quantity Successfully only by the Nazis and was used with good results in combating high blood pressure (of which 750,000 persons die annually in the United States). Today we have the secret of manufacture and considerable supply.
Likewise of great importance medically were certain researches by Dr. Boris Rojewsky of the Kaiser Wilhelm Institute of Biophysics at Frankfurt. These were on the ionization of air as related to health. Positively ionized air was discovered to have deleterious effects upon human well-being, and to account for the discomfort and depression felt at times when the barometer is falling. In many persons, it was found, its presence brought on asthma, hay fever, and nervous tension. It raised high blood pressure, sometimes to the danger point. It would bring on the symptoms common in mountain sickness-labored and rapid breathing, dizziness, fatigue, sleepiness.
Negatively ionized air, however, did all the opposite. It was exhilarating, creating a feeling of high spirits and well-being. Mental depression was wiped out by it. In pathological cases it steadied breathing, reduced high blood pressure, was a check on allergies and asthma. The importance of its presence wherever human beings live, work, or recuperate from illness may some day make its production one of the major functions of air conditioning.But of highest significance for the future were the Nazi secrets in aviation and in various types of missiles.
"The V2 rocket, which bombed London," an Army Air Force publication reports, "was just a toy compared to what the Germans had up their sleeve."
When the war ended, we now know, they had 138 types of guided missiles in various stages of production or development, using every known kind of remote control and fuse: radio, radar, wire, continuous wave, acoustics, infra-red, light beams, and magnetics, to name some; and for power, all methods of jet propulsion for either subsonic or supersonic speeds. Jet propulsion had even been applied to helicopter flight. The fuel was piped to combustion chambers at the rotor blade tips, where it exploded, whirling the blades around like a lawn sprinkler or pinwheel. As for rocket propulsion, their A-4 rocket, which was just getting into large scale production when the war ended, was forty-six feet long, weighed over 24,000 pounds, and traveled 230 miles. It rose sixty miles above the earth and had a maximum speed of 3,735 miles an hour – three times that of the earth's rotation at the equator. The secret of its supersonic speed, we know today, lay in its rocket motor which used liquid oxygen and alcohol for fuel. It was either radio controlled or self-guided to its target by gyroscopic means. Since its speed was supersonic, it could not be heard before it struck.
Another German rocket which was coming along was the A-9. This was bigger still – 29,000 pounds – and had wings which gave it a flying range of 3,000 miles. It was manufactured at the famous Peenemünde army experiment station and achieved the unbelievable speed of 5,870 miles an hour.
A long range rocket-motored bomber which, the war documents indicate, was never completed merely because of the war's quick ending, would have been capable of flight from Germany to New York in forty minutes. Pilot-guided from a pressurized cabin, it would have flown at an altitude of 154 miles. Launching was to be by catapult at 500 miles an hour, and the ship would rise to its maximum altitude in as short a time as four minutes. There, fuel exhausted, it would glide through the outer atmosphere, bearing down on its target. With one hundred bombers of this type the Germans hoped to destroy any city on earth in a few days operations.
Little wonder, then, that today Army Air Force experts declare publicly that in rocket power and guided missiles the Nazis were ahead of us by at least ten years.
The Germans even had devices ready which would take care of pilots forced to leave supersonic planes in flight. Normally a pilot who stuck his head out at such speeds would have it shorn off. His parachute on opening would burst in space. To prevent these calamitous happenings an ejector seat had been invented which flung the pilot clear instantaneously. His chute was already burst, that is, made of latticed ribbons which checked his fall only alter the down-drag of his weight began to close its holes.
A Nazi variation of the guided air missile was a torpedo for underwater work which went unerringly to its mark, drawn by the propeller sound of the victim ship from as far away as ten miles. This missile swam thirty feet below the water, at forty miles an hour, and left no wake. When directly under its target, it exploded.
All such revelations naturally raise the question: was Germany so far advanced in air, rocket, and missile research that, given a little more time, she might have won the war? Her war secrets, as now disclosed, would seem to indicate that possibility. And the Deputy Commanding General of Army Air Forces Intelligence, Air Technical Service Command, has told the Society of Aeronautical Engineers within the past few months:
The Germans were preparing rocket surprises for the whole world in general and England in particular which would have, it is believed, changed the course of the war if the invasion had been postponed for so short a time as half a year.
For the release and dissemination of all these one-time secrets the Office of the Publication Board was established by an order of President Truman within ten days after Japan surrendered. The order directed that not only enemy war secrets should be published, but also (with some exceptions) all American secrets, scientific and technical, of all government war boards. (The Office of Scientific Research and Development, the National Research Council, and other such.) And thereby was created what is being termed now the biggest publishing problem a government agency ever had to handle.
For the war secrets, which conventionally used to be counted in scores, will run to three-quarters of a million separate documentary items (two-thirds of them on aeronautics) and will require several years and several hundreds of people to screen and prepare them for wide public use.
Today translators and abstracters of the Office of Technical Services, successor to the OPB, arc processing them at the rate of about a thousand a week. Indexing and cataloguing the part of the collection which will be permanently kept may require more than two millions cards; and at Wright Field the task is so complicated that electric punch-card machine; are to be installed. A whole new glossary of German-English terms has had to be compiled – something like forty thousand words on new technical and scientific items.
With so many documents, it has, of course, been impossible because of time and money limitations to reprint or reproduce more than a very few. To tell the public what is available, therefore, the OTS issues a bibliography weekly. This contains the newest war secrets information as released – with titles, prices of copies currently available or to be made up, and an abstract of contents.
The original document, or the microfilm copy, is then generally sent to the Library of Congress, which is now the greatest depository. To make them more easily accessible to the public, the Library sends copies, when enough are available, to about 125 so-called "depository" libraries throughout the United States.
And is the public doing anything with these one-time war secrets? It is – it is eating them up. As many as twenty thousand orders have been filled in a month, and the order rate is now a thousand items a day. Scientists and engineers declare that the information is "cutting years from the time we would devote to problems already scientifically investigated." And American business men...! A run through the Publication Board's letters file shows the following;
The Bendix Company in South Bend, Indiana, writes for a German patent on the record player changer "with records stacked above the turntable." Pillsbury Mills wants to have what is available on German flour and bread production methods. Kendall Manufacturing Company ("Soapine") wants insect repellent compounds. Pioneer Hi-Bred Corn Company, Iowa, asks about "interrogation of research workers at the agricultural high school at Hohenheim." Pacific Mills requests I. G. Farbenindustrie's water-repellent, crease-resistant finish for spun rayon. The Polaroid Company would like something on "the status of exploitation of photography and optics in Germany." (There are, incidentally, ten to twenty thousand German patents yet to be screened.)
The most insatiable customer is Amtorg, the Soviet Union's foreign trade organization. One of its representatives walked into the Publication Board office with the bibliography-in hand and said, "I want copies of everything." The Russians sent one order in May for $5,594.00 worth – two thousand separate war secrets reports. In general, they buy every report issued. Americans, too, think there is extraordinarily good prospecting in the war secrets lode. Company executives practically park on the OTS's front doorstep, wanting to be first to get hold of a particular report on publication. Some information is so valuable that to get it a single day ahead of a competitor, may be worth thousands of dollars. But the OTS takes elaborate precautions to be sure that no report is ever available to anyone before general public release.
After a certain American aircraft company had ordered a particular captured war document, it was queried as to whether the information therein had made it or saved it any money. The cost of the report had been a few dollars. The company answered: "Yea – at least a hundred thousand dollars."
A research head of another business firm took notes for three hours in the OTS offices one day. "Thanks very much," he said, as he stood to go, "the notes from these documents are worth at least half a million dollars to my company."
And after seeing the complete report the German synthetic fiber industry, one American manufacturer remarked:
This report would be worth twenty million dollars to my company if it could have it exclusively.
Of course you, and anybody else, can now have it, and lots of other once secret information, for a few dollars. All the war secrets, as released, are completely in the public domain.
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