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Bad History of India, the Mughals, and especially the early modern Indian economy in Steven Johnson's *Enemy of all Mankind* (2020)
For one, he refers to the Mughal dynasty as “five-centur[ies]-old” (p. 113) at the time of Every’s piratical career, a rather baffling claim I can only ascribe to possible conflation with the Ghurids. Earlier he also conflates the Ghurids with the Delhi Sultanate, which he claims Muhammad Ghuri established (p. 36). The Delhi sultanate in fact emerged as a successor to the Ghurids following both the death of Muhammad Ghuri in 1206 and a protracted contest between his slave-commanders in different regions of India. The Mughal Empire was established by Babur, who conquered a stretch of North India in 1526; if one takes up the idealized Mughal claim to Timurid dynastic continuity, one could place the dynasty’s origins in the late fourteenth century, but as far as I know this is not an approach taken in any literature. As a discrete ruling dynasty, the Mughals emerged in the sixteenth century. Even the strained Timurid timeline is nowhere close to Johnson’s five hundred years.
He also appears to think of the word ‘Mughal’ as an imperial title interchangeable with ‘king’ or ‘emperor,’ as in this line: “declare yourself emperoking/mughal” (p. 51). My thinking is that this arose from his use of European sources which refer to the Mughal emperors as ‘Grand (or Great) Mughals’, a formulation he repeats often; he also refers only to rulers as Mughals. Mughal is not at all an imperial title, but an ethnic or cultural identifier meaning ‘Mongol’ in Persian. On the theme of ethno-cultural confusions, Johnson refers to Mahmud of Ghazni as “Afghani” (p. 36). Firstly, Mahmud was of Turkic origin. Secondly, the conventional term for someone of Afghan origin is ‘Afghan’ rather than ‘Afghani’. Another odd moment worth mentioning is his description of the Mughal state as a “theocracy” (p. 8).
Beyond these basic factual errors, there are some serious issues with his representation of the role of Islam in Indian history, especially his assertion that “some” (who exactly is not made clear) call it “the most devastating genocide in world history” (p. 36): his only attempt to back up this statement is a quotation from Fernand Braudel’s A History of Civilizations (1988) which asserts that Muslim dynasties could only rule India using “systemic terror”. Johnson breezily elides the earliest caliphate with the Ghaznavids and Ghurids as representatives of Islam in general (pp. 35-36) and seems to think that ‘India’ remained totally separate from ‘Islam’ throughout history: he states that commerce on the Indian Ocean became dominated by Muslims and not Indians well into the second millennium (p. 34), apparently unable to consider that those traders could have been both. He also parrots accounts of the reigns of Mahmud of Ghazni and Aurangzeb focusing on supposed Islamic iconoclastic zeal (pp. 36, 64-67), which are by now well criticized and qualified even in more accessible works like Richard Eaton’s India in the Persianate Age (2020). All these points deserve long write-ups, but I will focus on a rather more niche aspect of Johnson’s treatment of Indian history which aggravated me, since I have been reading up on it for research: the issue of specie and the economy.
Johnson rightly mentions that India took in a huge amount of precious metals in the early modern period, with some scholars estimating around twenty percent of the world’s output from 1600-1800. However he asserts that these precious metals’ economic value was nullified in India as they were melted down to make “bracelets, brocades and other ostentatious heirlooms.” (p. 50). This phrase is a direct quotation of John Keay, a popular historian and journalist whose book on the East India Company has, according to one review, “more in common with the chronicles of Harry Flashman than with the standard academic works on the East India Company” (Ó Gráda, p. 236). In Johnson’s formulation, Indian and specifically Mughal conceptions of wealth as a measure of precious ornaments would run up against the modern economic ideas of the East India Company, a joint-stock corporation: little did the opulent court of the sultans know that the latter would transform the politics and economics of the whole world. While there is something to the idea of the Company’s novelty in terms of structure and mercantilist economic ideology in the Indian context, to support it with the claim that India simply absorbed and sat on specie in the form of baubles flies in the face of years of research on early modern Indian economic history. The immense intake of precious metals created a large moneyed economy. States minted and were engaged in the exchange and regulation of a huge number of coins; large and sophisticated financial firms centered around families operated networks of credit, trade and investment as far afield as the Russian steppe; metal currency can even be seen in the religious rites of common people.
Perhaps crucial to Johnson’s apparent ignorance of the immensely important role of specie in the huge and active economy of early modern India is his focus on the Indian Ocean, and his all-too-easy use of one apparent Hindu prohibition of seafaring to conclude that Hindus simply did not trade and that India was totally passive in terms of trade and wider economic networks (pp. 34-35). This once again ties to his strange equation of all India with the same, immutable “Hindu culture” (p. 36). While older ‘traditional’ literature treats early modern overland trade as in terminal decline, overtaken by European-dominated overseas trade by the eighteenth century, a large body of literature has argued that overland trade systems, such as the horse trade or the trade in textiles to Central Asia and Iran, retained or even expanded their importance in the early modern period.
Especially ironic given Johnson’s sharp dichotomy between pre-modern Indian/Mughal ideas of wealth and modern Company ones is that the rule of the Company in India was significantly bulwarked by the credit extended to it by Indian banking firms. Such financiers had invited Company rule in Surat in 1759 in response to their conflict with the local nawab. In the first war between the Company and the Marathas, it was these firms’ loans that allowed the supply of soldiers in the field. Decades later, Indian banks had a major stake in the invasion of Afghanistan (1839-42). Besieged in Kabul, British officer Eldred Pottinger attempted to secure cash by issuing multiple hundis (bills of exchange) worth over 1.3 million rupees to Indian treasuries to pay for a retreat to Peshawar. However the banks restricted payments into British treasuries, seeing the Kabul occupation as moribund: its failure threatened several banks with collapse. This in turn threatened the stability of colonial government at large.
The lack of up-to-date, accurate information on Indian history in Enemy of all Mankind is not all that surprising when one considers that, for a 250-odd page book, the bibliography is less than four and a quarter pages, or 69 entries, long. Many of Johnson’s claims are uncited, or at best supported by older books, often by non-specialists. As a result, every chapter focusing on India becomes a frustrating exercise in running into one error or misinterpretation after the other. Popular history can be entertaining and thought-provoking, but it must be held to a better standard.
- Steven Johnson, Enemy of all Mankind: a True Story of Piracy, Power and History’s First Global Manhunt. Riverhead Books, 2020.
- Aniruddha Ray, The Sultanate of Delhi (1206-1526). Routledge, 2019.
- Richard M. Eaton, India in the Persianate Age 1000-1765. Allen Lane, 2019.
- Stephen F. Dale, Babur: Timurid Prince and Mughal Emperor 1483-1530. Cambridge University Press, 2018.
- Cormac Ó Gráda, “The Honourable Company: A History of the English East India Company. By John Keay,” The Journal of Economic History 56, no. 1 (1996).
- Jos Gommans, The Rise of the Indo-Afghan Empire c. 1710-1780. Brill, 1995.
- Lakshmi Subramanian, "Banias and the British: The Role of Indigenous Credit in the Process of Imperial Expansion in Western India in the Second Half of the Eighteenth Century," Modern Asian Studies 21, no. 3 (1987).
- Prasannan Parthasarathi, “Money and Ritual in Eighteenth-Century South India,” The Medieval History Journal 19, no. 1 (2016).
- Scott Levi, The Bukharan Crisis: a Connected History of 18th-Century Central Asia. University of Pittsburgh Press, 2020.
- Scott Levi, “The Indian Merchant Diaspora in Early Modern Central Asia and Iran," Iranian Studies 32, no. 4 (1999)
- Shah Mahmoud Hanifi, “Impoverishing a Colonial Frontier: Cash, Credit, and Debt in Nineteenth-Century Afghanistan,” Iranian Studies 37, no. 2 (2004).